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Joining on the Condition to Discriminate
Parvin
Ardalan
On
December 18, 1979, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW). With the assistance of a UN established
monitoring committee, CEDAW entered into force on September 3, 1981,
and to date, 168 nations have ratified, and 97 have signed.
Currently, 44 of the 56 member states of the Organization of the
Islamic Conference have joined, and 12 have declared their intention
to join with reservations and conditions. Among CEDAW’s
provisions is the recognition of nations’ rights to submit
reservations [which modify or restrict the applicability of
contested provisions in the document].
For
several years a great number of Iranian women’s rights advocates
have highlighted CEDAW’s provisions and have viewed Iran’s
joining as a means of improving women’s legal status and of ending
legal discriminations. However, such claims have only been
made by secular women and unofficial sectors of society, who have
neither a platform from which to publicly voice their opinions, nor
the power to influence policy and law making institutions. As
such, these institutions represent some of the most intense
opposition to Iran’s joining the Convention…
Examples
of secular women’s attempts to highlight legal inequalities
include attorney Mehrangiz Kar’s book, Elimination of Gender
Discrimination, in which Iran’s domestic laws were measured
against the articles of the Convention. During an
International Women’s Day celebration in 2001, the Women’s
Cultural Center collected and sent approximately 500 signatures to
petition various decision-making institutions to join without
reservation…
Membership
to the Convention has been a taboo subject that has cast a shadow of
doubt over official sectors for some time. In 1997, the High
Council of Cultural Revolution reviewed and rejected adoption of
CEDAW by a majority vote. The Research Center of Seda and Sima
and the Center for Religious Studies for the judiciary studied the
possibility of membership from legal, religious, social, and
cultural perspectives. The Supreme Leader and several other
high-ranking clerics were also requested to assess the Convention.
In the meantime, a number of theology students and their teachers at
the Islamic Seminary of Qom wrote two separate letters addressed to
high-ranking clerics and members of the High Council of Cultural
Revolution, expressing their negative opinions towards Iran’s
membership, and as a result, a sanction was put against Iran’s
joining. The reason stated was, “Unless certain provisions
are removed, the Convention’s contents are in contradiction with
Islamic laws.” (Azad newspaper, 17 Bahman, 1380/ February 6,
2002).
In
December of 2001, Iranian television broadcast a short report in
which Zahra Shojaee, head of the Center for Promoting
Women’s Participation, was quoted saying that the Cabinet had
approved the bill on Iran’s joining CEDAW, providing that it did
not contradict Islamic law. On December 31, 2001, in a letter
addressed to the head of Majlis, the President of Iran declared that, “With the recommendation of the Foreign Ministry in a
session held on [December 19, 2001], the government approved joining
the Convention” (Zanan magazine, no. 84, p. 18). Earlier,
Kofi Annan, in a letter to President Khatami, had requested Iran’s
position on this matter.
It
seems that Articles 2 and 3 of the Convention (quoted below) have
been obstacles to Iran’s membership:
Article
2
States
Parties condemn discrimination against women in all its forms, agree
to pursue by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of
eliminating discrimination against women and, to this end,
undertake:
(a)
To embody the principle of the equality of men and women in their
national constitutions or other appropriate legislation if not yet
incorporated therein and to ensure, through law and other
appropriate means, the practical realization of this principle;
(b)
To adopt appropriate legislative and other measures, including
sanctions where appropriate, prohibiting all discrimination against
women;
(c)
To establish legal protection of the rights of women on an equal
basis with men and to ensure through competent national tribunals
and other public institutions the effective protection of women
against any act of discrimination;
(d)
To refrain from engaging in any act or practice of discrimination
against women and to ensure that public authorities and institutions
shall act in conformity with this obligation;
(e)
To take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against
women by any person, organization or enterprise;
(f)
To take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to modify
or abolish existing laws, regulations, customs and practices which
constitute discrimination against women;
(g)
To repeal all national penal provisions which constitute
discrimination against women.
Article
3
States
Parties shall take in all fields, in particular in the political,
social, economic and cultural fields, all appropriate measures,
including legislation, to ensure the full development and
advancement of women, for the purpose of guaranteeing them the
exercise and enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms on a
basis of equality with men.
Upon
comparison, it is apparent that the civil, constitutional, and penal
laws of Iran do not adhere to the aforementioned principles of
equality. Or put another way, if Iran submits reservations to
CEDAW, no real change will occur.
Since
the Cabinet’s approval there has been renewed and widespread
discussion concerning the Convention. Newspapers such as Azad,
No Rouz, Hayat-e No, and Bonyan, and magazines like Zanan have
analyzed Iran’s position and its resulting implications and have
engaged specialists, jurists and religious authorities in a
dialogue. However, most importantly, they have been publishing
the views of high-ranking clerics, the mojtaheds, since Islamic
sharia law and those who implement them have always played an
important role within Iran’s legal framework. Quoting
Ayatollah Mazaheri, head of the Islamic Seminary of Isfahan
and a traditional religious jurist, Azad newspaper argued that the
question of joining CEDAW is such that “If there is any
carelessness, we will all be held accountable. This
Convention, which denies any difference between men and women’s
rights and duties, is in fact a grave step by the UN towards
establishing Western dominance and global hegemony of Western
materialistic culture. And unfortunately, some of the people in
charge, particularly women, are for ill-founded and baseless reasons
trying to persuade Iran to join a convention that guarantees
problems with religious jurisprudence.” Of course, there was
no specific mention of these ill-founded and baseless reasons.
Furthermore, Ayatollah Fasel Lankaroni, addressing theology students
stated, “Being students of theology, you must not get the
impression that intellectualism necessitates violating certain
Islamic principles. Who said there is no difference between
men and women? There are many differences… We don’t want
to say that women are intellectually and socially inferior, but God
has set aside some exclusive advantages for men, and vice versa.”
At the same time, Azad newspaper reflected the views of
those who support a dynamic fegh (religious jurisprudence), such as
Ayatollah Boujnourdi, “Changes can be made in many of the laws
that are considered discriminatory. I believe that the rights
that currently exist for women in shi’i jurisprudence are not
fixed, and can be changed…” (Azad, 17 Bahman1380/ February 6,
2002) Finally, on the question of joining, he stated, “I
don’t believe that Iran should join with reservations, because in
this respect, many of our domestic laws are in the process of
changing.” (Bonyan, 1 Esfand 1380/ February 20, 2002)
If
gender equality, and concern for “the world’s impending end”
are the reasons for clerical opposition, for the government, above
all, joining CEDAW means the removal of international obstacles,
“For the fourth time, Iran’s request for membership to the World
Trade Organization has been rejected, chiefly due to Iran’s
refusal to adhere to international copyright regulations and to
formally recognize the principle of human rights, especially
concerning women. Additionally, it is rumored that the
International Monetary Fund’s rejection of Iran’s loan request
was due to its violation of human rights” (Shadi Sadr in
Zanan, no. 84). Not only of concern to male politicians, the
issue caught the notice of women politicians as well, drawing their
attention to improving international relations more than to ending
gender discrimination. According to the Islamic Republic News
Agency (IRNA), Zahra Shojaee, while emphasizing that “Due to the
rising number of supportive countries, the removal of gender
discrimination is becoming an international norm” also said,
“Given the Islamic Republic’s attention and emphasis on
religious law, the most appropriate way to make use of this
international opportunity is to join the Convention, with general
and intentional reservation.”
In
the opinion of the Center for Promoting Women’s Participation,
“As long as enforcement of the Convention’s contents does not
transgress the red line of religious principles, there is no reason
for concern. Not only do we not stray from the demands of
religion and allow women to enjoy the benefits and power contained
in international documents, but at the same time, the government’s
credibility is saved in terms of its international responsibilities.”
(Aftab-e Yazd, 7 Bahman 1380/ January 27,
2002).
Ashraf
Boroujerdi, the Deputy Minister of Interior in charge of social
affairs and councils, referring to the fact that Iran’s rejection
of the Convention has given rise to speculation, hopes that by
joining the Convention, international opinion of Iran will improve.
In her opinion, “Some countries, by seizing upon this issue, are
asserting that Iran discriminates against women.” (Aftab-e Yazd, 7
Bahman 1380/ January 27, 2002).
Regretfully,
when articulating the importance of membership, these women do not
speak of the necessity of abolishing the written and unwritten
discriminations against Iranian women. In fact, it is wishful
thinking to believe that by joining CEDAW- with conditions and
reservations no less- we will change international opinion. If
we enter reservations, gender discrimination in Iran will not be
eradicated. And with respect to the government and all its
interests, nothing will be gained.
On
February 14, [Majlis deputy] Fatemeh Rakei announced that the bill
proposing the Islamic Republic’s membership was ratified in the
6th Majlis’ Cultural Commission. She announced that, “The
Islamic Republic of Iran considers those parts of the Convention
which do not contradict Islamic tenets acceptable.
Additionally, Iran does not consider itself accountable to the
execution of the first part of Article 29 concerning the referral
and resolution of disputes to international court.”
Naturally, she emphasized that “since there are two
interpretations among clerics, we might not be able to implement
many of the Convention’s contents.” (Hayat-e No, 25 Bahman 1380/
February 14, 2002).
Now
that the Cultural Commission has endorsed the bill, we now wait for
its passage in the Majlis, followed by the requisite Guardian
Council authorization. If the Guardian Council gives its
consent, the Convention will become enforceable. Otherwise,
the bill will be returned to the Majlis for revision. It is
obvious that adoption of the Convention on the “very broad and
vague condition that it not be against Islamic principles, will give
an excuse to enemies of women’s rights to call whatever they do
not approve of as being such, and prevent any progress in
legislation and implementation towards the removal of discrimination
(Mehrangiz Kar in Zanan, no. 84)
Some
believe that conditional acceptance of the Convention will pave the
way for the removal of discrimination against women. However,
joining the Convention without any change in discriminatory laws
will only improve Iran’s image and facilitate Iran’s entry onto
the international economic arena. But this kind of joining, to
quote the 5th Majles, is nothing but the “exploitive use of
women” at the international level, and a form of state violence
against women. Joining the Convention without any restrictions
and conditions, however, may be a small step towards changing the
unequal status of women.
Transl:
MS
Since
the writing of this article, the 6th Majlis has announced that the
CEDAW bill will be brought to the floor in mid-May. Originally
scheduled for early March, the debate was postponed due to concern
over insufficient support for the bill, and to buy time to garner
more votes.
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